DHAKA, Bangladesh -- A month ago, a student-led movement ousted Bangladesh’s prime minister, Sheikh Hasina , after weeks of protests and clashes that killed over 600 people and pushed the country to the brink of chaos.

What initially started as student protests demanding government jobs escalated into a widespread rebellion against the country’s longest-serving prime minister.

Hasina, 76, fled to India on Aug. 5 as public anger against her government intensified. However, the removal of her from power triggered further violence. Police officers went on strike and mobs wreaked havoc across the country until a new interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus was installed.

Here is a snapshot of the situation now, one month after the country experienced its worst violence in decades:

Since assuming office, Yunus declared that his primary objectives would be to restore peace and order, combat corruption, and prepare for new elections.

His Cabinet, which includes two student leaders who were at the forefront of the protests, is focused on restructuring and reforming Bangladesh's institutions, ranging from its courts and police to the Election Commission. In pursuit of this goal, they are seeking assistance from the United Nations Development Program.

Reforms have been a central concern as demonstrations against Hasina rapidly escalated into widespread discontent with her increasingly authoritarian rule. Her administration had imprisoned opposition figures, stifled independent media and curtailed civil liberties.

Protesters also accused Hasina's Awami League of corruption and alleged that public institutions, including the Election Commission, had been undermined during her 15-year tenure.

What Yunus needs is time.

The 2006 Nobel Peace Prize recipient, who pioneered microcredit to empower impoverished individuals, particularly women, requested patience in an address to the nation. He emphasized that his Cabinet has diligently worked to quell the violence and lawlessness that emerged following Hasina's removal from power.

“I urge everyone to be patient," he said. “Restoring public faith in government institutions is a key priority.”

Discontent remains. Garment workers demanding higher wages have forced about 100 factories to close, and tensions are high, with lingering widespread resentment toward Hasina and her Awami League.

Hasina, now living abroad voluntarily, faces murder charges in over 100 cases. Key officials perceived as close to her resigned following massive protests.

Numerous legal cases have also been filed against those linked to Hasina, her party, or her administration — from former ministers and judges to journalists and even a renowned cricketer. They have been attacked, barred from leaving the country, and even imprisoned. Human rights groups have denounced these mass charges.

Most of the cases lack legal merit and are politically motivated, according to Zillur Rahman, executive director of the Center for Governance Studies, a Dhaka-based think tank.

This form of “vigilante justice” has raised concerns that “the system that Hasina upheld is still in place, only the victims have changed,” Rahman said.

Within a week of Hasina's removal, the students who led her ouster were directing traffic in the capital, Dhaka.

Some schools and universities have since resumed operations, including Dhaka University, which was the heart of the protests against Hasina. But normalcy has not returned yet.

Many leaders of educational institutions have been forced to step down, and in some cases, although classes have officially resumed, few students are attending.

However, many students remain hopeful that the temporary government can bring about real change.

Sneha Akter, a student at Dhaka University, believes that removing those in power previously is the initial step.

“By replacing them, we are correcting past wrongs,” she said. “It is not possible to transform the entire country overnight. … We need to give the government some time.”

Some advocate for the Yunus-led interim administration to remain in place until substantial reforms are implemented, “regardless of whether it takes three months, three years or even six years,” stated Hafizur Rahman, a Dhaka University student.

A sense of normalcy is gradually returning — Dhaka's streets are no longer a site of conflict between security forces and students. Internet access has been restored and a nationwide curfew, which included a shoot-on-sight order has been lifted.

With the violence subsiding, there is hope for a new beginning. Shops, banks, hotels, and restaurants have reopened, and police — who had gone on strike due to concerns for their safety — have resumed their duties.

However, their morale remains low. Officers are less visible on the streets and appear hesitant to address disturbances as their crackdown against the students is still fresh in the minds of many Bangladeshis.

Numerous police officers were killed during the unrest, their stations were set ablaze and looted.

Another hurdle is revitalizing the economy, which was severely impacted by the weekslong shutdown during the uprising, causing a surge in food and commodity prices.

The biggest question is: When will the new elections be held?

Some experts suggest that the interim government lacks the authority to implement major reforms and should prioritize building consensus among political parties on reforms — and setting a date for elections.

Hasina's Awami League has remained under the radar so far.

Yunus is relying on the support he enjoys among the nation's youth, but Michael Kugelman, director of the Wilson Center's South Asia Institute, believes that such support might not last indefinitely.

“If safety concerns persist and economic recovery is slow … young people may become impatient and anxious,” Kugelman said.

Hasina's main rival — the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, or BNP — is considered the most likely winner of the upcoming polls and has been advocating for an early election.

“This raises a worrying question: What happens if the BNP, which is not part of the temporary government, doesn't get the elections it wants soon?" Kugelman questioned. “Will they start a movement? Will it cause turmoil?”

"Such a situation could lead to new threats to public safety and further exacerbate political instability and uncertainty," he stated.